bad. To see before our eyes the agony of progressive reform Brunetta grows a strong feeling of regret. Legislative Decree 150 of 2009 - which introduced important innovations in terms of performance and transparency of public institutions - represented a huge step forward in terms of effectiveness, efficiency and productivity of the PA and gave important addresses in terms of fighting corruption and abuses power.
But today, after just a year and a half after the approval, way that seems essentially stopped. The linear cuts the budget measures have diverted resources from important and so there is no more money to reward deserving staff and implement the reform. Collective action can be used with difficulty and often, for the people, the game is not worth the candle. The Presidency of the Council was the first piece of administration to break away from the controls of the law, then we tried the Ministry of Economy. Mille resistances are at all other levels, reinforced by the timing of adjustment and that the law provides, for example in the field of health administration.
In addition, the latest agreement signed by the government with trade unions re- in fact the traditional bureaucratic morass and corporate and retrieves the contents of the Memorandum of Nicolais January 2007. Only the CGIL has not signed it, not to dissent from the contents, but only to underscore once again his zealous opposition to the government. Thus, no performance evaluation by independent bodies. You return to the checks carried out by corporate-union joint committees (representatives of government monitored its employees' unions and representatives of the government concerned). The point of view of citizens is substantially expelled. In addition, the differentiation of wages according to the substance in the attic as a guarantee of certainty for all of irresponsibility.
In such a context, it was expected a vigorous reform initiative of Civitate (the Independent Commission for the transparency, integrity and evaluation, introduced by the reform). But hopes have proved ill-formed, and the results very disappointing. The Commission is far from being independent, being appointed by the government. The selection of commissioners is made according to traditional logic divider of the parties. The activity is purely formal, bureaucratic and acts related to compliance with the approval of resolutions on rules and regulations. No serious managerial spirit, very little willingness to consultation and systematic involvement of citizens. Despite the investment economic - that still is important - the projects and concrete initiatives still struggle to leave. With so much to the traditional delays and inadequacy, one of the commissioners, the young professor Pietro Micheli, has preferred to present a letter of resignation and return to his academic work in London.
At the same time, each nomination to the Commission, made in order to broaden citizens to exercise powers and responsibilities for improving the transparency and quality of administrative action, has always foundered on the shoals of the agreements between the majority and opposition: the place was up to others, as usual, to ensure a level playing field .... The framework we
It seems clear enough. Once again, the crisis of politics - which seems to accompany the general to the crisis - weakens the action of the institutions. But the law remains an instrument of participation, a possible way to realize the principle of subsidiarity, an opportunity for empowerment. Citizens, therefore, are called upon to assume new responsibilities for transparency evaluation of service quality and performance of public managers, a commitment to legality, constant pressure to allow the institutions to account for their actions, checking the quality of spending public control of government capacity. Provided will not remain - as is often the case - yet another case of subsidiarity 'hidden' or 'denied'.
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